There are undeniable cases of religious persecution under Tinubu – Northern CAN chair

Without the Church’s Interventions, Nigeria’s Poverty Level Would Be Worse” — CAN Chairman, Northern Region, Rev. John Hayab

In this interview with ISRAEL BULUS, Reverend John Hayab, Chairman of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) in the Northern Region, shares his perspective on President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s two-year performance, poverty alleviation efforts, insecurity, and the church’s role in supporting struggling Nigerians.

Many Nigerians are facing severe economic challenges. From the church’s standpoint, how are Christians coping with the rising cost of living, particularly since the removal of fuel subsidies?

The truth is, poverty and hardship don’t discriminate—they cut across religious, regional, and ethnic lines. When fuel prices rise, everyone feels the impact, whether Christian or Muslim. The same applies to other economic policies that burden the populace.

Within the church, we’ve established support systems to help our members. Are we doing enough? Perhaps not yet. However, many churches across Nigeria are actively engaged in economic empowerment efforts to cushion the effects of poverty. The reality is, as poverty deepens, insecurity grows, because poverty breeds insecurity.

Beyond church efforts, how else is your association addressing poverty?

Apart from my role with CAN, I also serve as the Country Director for Global Peace Foundation Nigeria. Over the past few years, we’ve prioritized women empowerment, particularly among low-income earners. Through skill acquisition and financial literacy programs, we aim to empower people at the grassroots. We recognize that we can’t depend solely on the government.

The challenge with many government poverty-alleviation schemes is political interference—often, the real beneficiaries are sidelined for the benefit of political allies. In some cases, names are included just to fulfill requirements, with the actual funds redirected elsewhere.

How does your foundation operate differently?

As an NGO, we focus on transparency and integrity. We do not exploit the people; we simply want to improve lives. Churches, too, are deeply involved in this mission. Over the past three weeks, I’ve visited several churches with effective empowerment programs.

For instance, I’m a member of the Nigerian Baptist Convention, which owns Bowen Microfinance Bank. The bank operates in Lagos and even extends to the far North. One initiative involves identifying women capable of running businesses but lacking capital. The church serves as their guarantor, enabling them to access small business loans from the bank. We then monitor their progress closely.

These women meet weekly to evaluate growth, share experiences, and learn from one another. One might sell beans, another sugar, another cooking oil—together they create a local economic ecosystem. A woman selling akara can source her beans and oil from within this circle. It’s a sustainable model of community empowerment.

How impactful are such church-led efforts in the broader context of Nigeria’s poverty crisis?

The church has done a lot, but Nigeria is vast. Even if a million lives have been touched, it’s still a drop in the ocean. This is why we must scale up. I appeal to President Tinubu, as he begins his third year in office, to actively partner with faith-based organizations. These institutions have proven records of real impact.

Personally, I’ve made a vow never to take what doesn’t belong to me. I won’t take Grace or Aisha’s share—I want only what is rightfully mine.

Has the government shown sufficient care for vulnerable groups, such as Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)?

The plight of IDPs remains deeply concerning. Recently, there were discussions about granting amnesty to bandits. I argued that while amnesty may be necessary in some cases, equal attention must be given to victims—those who lost loved ones, sold possessions to pay ransoms, and now live in trauma.

We must provide counselling, financial support, and opportunities for rebuilding livelihoods. A nation must not be seen to reward violence while neglecting those who suffer in silence.

How would you evaluate President Tinubu’s performance over the past two years, particularly from the perspective of Northern Nigerian Christians?

Tinubu’s choice of a Muslim running mate was controversial, especially among Christian leaders. As a member of CAN’s National Executive Council, I was among those who opposed the Muslim-Muslim ticket. However, Tinubu reached out, visited our national secretariat, and assured us his decision was political, not religious.

Two years later, the conversation has shifted from religion to governance. His immediate removal of fuel subsidy showed he was ready to take bold decisions. Although this has led to economic strain—fuel price hikes, inflation, and uncertainty—he inherited a divided nation and is attempting to fix a broken system.

From my Southern Kaduna perspective, I can say there’s some improvement in terms of security. While life is still hard, not everything is negative.

Has there been any collaboration between religious leaders and government on peacebuilding?

Yes, and it’s commendable. Unlike past administrations where officials acted like they had all the answers, this government has shown openness to dialogue. The current security team—NSA, DSS, NIA, and service chiefs—are more engaging.

Although some appointments, such as both Defense Ministers coming from the same region, appeared lopsided, they might have been strategic. We’re also seeing some economic shifts—like rice prices dropping from ₦100,000 to ₦75,000. Insecurity hasn’t been defeated, but mass killings in places like Southern Kaduna have reduced. That’s progress.

Still, the criminal elements are deeply entrenched, so defeating them will require more collaboration. Everyone must be involved in this fight.

How would you assess religious freedom under this administration?

Religious persecution is real—especially in Northern Nigeria. A recent case involved a 16-year-old girl who was abducted, forcibly converted, and married off. We intervened and secured her release. She and her father even stayed at my home before we relocated them for safety.

It’s important that our laws on religious freedom are enforced and perpetrators brought to justice. The rights of individuals—like Zena, Esther, or James—must be protected. A violation against one is a violation against all.

What’s your take on the Federal Government’s approval of a Federal University of Applied Sciences in Kachia and the upgrade of the FMC Kafanchan to a Teaching Hospital?

These are monumental steps for Southern Kaduna. Such institutions are more than structures—they bring opportunities. Many of our youth have struggled to gain admission due to distance and cost. Now, with a university in Kachia and a teaching hospital in Kafanchan, education and healthcare will be more accessible.

We must put aside past grievances and embrace these developments. If we frustrate these projects out of bitterness, we’re only hurting ourselves. These are chances to uplift our region.

Do you believe these institutions can transform Southern Kaduna in the long term?

Absolutely. Look at how Zaria developed due to institutions like ABU and the teaching hospital. With proper management, Kachia and Kafanchan can become hubs of excellence. In 10–20 years, these places could produce future presidents, scientists, or innovators.

What should the Federal and Kaduna State Governments prioritize for Southern Kaduna?

Security comes first. Without it, all other development is meaningless. People need safety to farm, go to school, and run businesses. Next, we need better road infrastructure—many areas are still cut off. Healthcare must also be improved—not just buildings, but fully staffed and equipped centres. Our schools need attention, and electricity must reach communities that have been in darkness for years.